The origin and development of the inferential and certainty meanings of the Chinese adverb “zong” (总) remain insufficiently explained in previous scholarship. This study argues that the inferential meaning of “zong” did not arise through the reanalysis of its pre-verbal generalizing use. Instead, it emerged through a continuous semantic evolutionary from generalization to estimation and ultimately to inference. Based on a further investigation of the inferential use of “zong” and an analysis of authentic language data, we propose that its certainty meaning has two distinctive sources. One develops from the further semantic extension of the inferential meaning, while the other originates from conclusive evaluation grounded in the generalizing meaning. The former pathway is driven by logical mechanisms, whereby causal relations give rise inferential certainty. The latter is motivated by scalar mechanisms, progressing from the quantification of entities to the quantification of events and thereby yielding conclusive certainty. These distinct diachronic pathways are further supported by synchronic evidence. In Modern Chinese, certainty derived from inference expresses inferential affirmation of expected situations, whereas certainty derived from generalization conveys concessive conclusions based on established discourse facts.

The development of “bijiao (比较)” from a relative degree adverb into an absolute degree adverb is syntactically reflected in several changes: it no longer requires a contrastive context, can occur in negative constructions, can co-occur with degree complements, and may itself be preceded by an absolute degree adverb. Semantically, its evolution follows a trajectory from entity comparison to category comparison, and ultimately to degree modulation. This process is driven by multiple factors, including the ellipsis and pragmatic inference, the intersubjective demands of communication, and the compensation and redistribution within the system of degree adverbs. It is further shaped by mechanisms such as contextual absorption, reanalysis, and metonymy-driven processes of decategorization and categorization. Overall, this development represents a gradual shift along the continuum formed by the comparative and degree categories, accompanied by a functional transition from externally relational expression of degree to internally scalar ones. Consequently, the function of “bijiao” evolves from a marker of comparative superiority to a modulator of scalar degree, while also acquiring pragmatic functions such as avoidance of absolutization.

The Chinese construction “(NP)也不VP” (“(NP) does not even VP”) expresses multiple meanings, including analogy and blame. This paper argues that the blame meaning gradually developed into an independent blame construction through a process of reduction. During this process, the construction underwent formal reduction and eventually evolved into a subjective small-quantity VP pattern. The constructional meaning of blame is not simply the sum of the meanings of its constituent elements; rather, it emerges from the semantic interaction and selective integration of the construction’s constant and variable elements. In the non-subjective small-quantity VP pattern, the expression of blame depends on the activation and suppression of both internal and external constructional conditions. By contrast, the subjective small-quantity VP pattern functions as a reduced construction that reinforces, conventionalizes, and transforms the blame meaning. The constructionalization of the Chinese blame construction is driven by the constituent elements, scope inference and analogical projection, subjectification and intersubjectification, politeness economy, and contextual absorption. These mechanisms jointly account for the emergence and conventionalization of the construction.

This paper investigates the lexical history of Min dialects through a study of words denoting “hunger”. Distinguishing between stative and causative uses, it identifies two major types and nine subtypes of synchronic lexical correspondences across Min dialects. By combining synchronic distributional evidence with late Ming opera texts from Quanzhou and Chaozhou, the paper reconstructs the Proto-Min lexical pattern, in which the stative meaning was expressed by “ ji (饥)” and the causative meaning by “e (饿)”. This earlier pattern has been retained in Northern Min, Central Min, and parts of Eastern Min, whereas the remaining Min dialects have undergone two major developments: 1) semantic innovation and lexical replacement affecting the stative form, and 2) the loss of the distinction between stative and causative uses.

This paper examines and identifies the original characters of five problematic lexical items in the Wu dialect, with the aim of clarifying their etymologies and semantic motivations. The study argues that: (1) The original character of “tingtang” (庭糖), denoting an icicle, is “lingduo” (凌凙); (2) The original character of the dialect word meaning “to grow” or “to become long” (specifically with reference to plants, hair, and similar entities), pronounced with the fanqie spelling “xuying qie” (许应切) in the departing tone, is “xing” (兴); (3) The original character of the dialect word pronounced “hen” (狠) in the departing tone and meaning “to seep through” or “to permeate” (as with ink or liquids) is “xin” (脪); (4) The original character of the dialect word glossed as “crooked”, “irregular” or “unlucky” and recorded with the fanqie spelling “quyan qie” (渠演切), is qian (); (5) The original character of the dialect word pronounced “shi” (石), denoting rapid movement and protrusion, is “she” (射).

This paper reviews documentary materials and previous research findings, and integrates diachronic corpora with data from surrounding dialects to investigate the pathway and motivations behind the phonetic changes in the late grammaticalization of le₂ in Beijing Dialect. The study reveals that the various pronunciations of le₂—including liao³, liao, lia, lie, la, lo, lou, and le (lê)—developed along two major  evolutionary pathways: liao³→liao→(lia/lie)→la(lê)→le  and liao³→liao→(lio)→lo(lou)→le. The superficial motivations include semantic bleaching, syntactic marginalization and sentence-final focus word stress inducing compression on the neutral tone leading to phonetic weakening, the shortening of the articulatory duration of the neutral-tone syllables resulting in the monophthongization of diphthongs and centralization of the main vowel, as well as the planning and promotion of Mandarin causing a convergence effect in the pronunciation of le. The underlying motivations are governed by the principles of iconicity, economy and clarity. 

When appearing sentence-initially, the particle “te³²”(得) in Qidong dialect functions as both hypothetical and temporal conjunction, manifesting as procliticization. As a hypothetical conjunction, “te³²” marks a substitutional hypothesis, where by introducing new agents or premises, new conclusions can be drawn. As a temporal conjunction, it indicates that its host clause provides the reference time for the event described in subsequent clause. While functional overlap exists between these two conjunctive uses, they remain phonetically and semantically distinct. Both the hypothetical and temporal meanings of “te³²” have developed from its causative meaning, aligning with the cross-linguistic grammaticalization pathway of causative verbs.

Drawing on the interrelationship among the graphic form, pronunciation, and meaning of Chinese characters, this paper offers a comprehensive philological study of Tenrei Banshō Meigi (篆隶万象名义). It employs four complementary approaches: 1) identifying errors through phonological evidence and restoring the correct forms through graphic analysis; 2) identifying errors through semantic analysis and restoring the correct forms through graphic evidence; 3) identifying errors through combined graphic and phonological evidence; and 4) identifying errors through semantic analysis and restoring the correct readings on the basis of textual and stylistic conventions. Applying these methods, the paper reexamines a number of problematic entries in Tenrei Banshō Meigi, including “peng[HT5SS] (棚)”“ci ()”“qun ()”“xi (息)”“dan (单)”“jian (椷)”“ci (慈)” and “yun (云)”, thereby offering new interpretations of their forms, pronunciations, and meanings.

In slips 81+76 and 183+13 of the Yancang burial inventory, the graph following zhu (竹) should be identified as “”, and interpreted as zhan（栈）, referring to a floorboard woven from either bamboo or wood used in a chariot. The term zhu zhan（竹栈，“bamboo carriage floorboard”）is well attested in excavated chariots of the Chu state. Furthermore, in the phrase xiao rong jian shou（小戎收） in Qin Feng·Xiao Rong of The Book of Songs，the graph written as“” in the Anda bamboo slips manuscripts should likewise be read as zhan rather than jian. The expression zhan shou（栈收）denotes the crossbeam that supports a woven bamboo or wooden carriage floorboard.

The word “ruogan” (若干) used since the Pre-Qin period expresses indefinite quantity or substitution. Its internal structure has long been discussed. There are different views on “ruo” (若), such as regarding it as a comparative word or a demonstrative. Similarly, people may equate “gan” (干) with “ge”(箇), “qiu”(求), “shu”(数), or interpret it as a combination of words “yi” (一) and “shi” (十). But none of these views are sufficiently reasonable, and many also hold that its structure is unverifiable. There is “ruoer” (若而) used to refer to “substitution” in Zuozhuan, and “ruoran” (若然) in the unearthed Chu bamboo slips text Jiandawangbohan, both of which share the same usage as “ruogan”. “Ran” (然) and “er” (而) can only be analyzed as affixes, and “ruo” should be a predicative demonstrative. Taken together, “ruogan” is a record of “ruo yan” (若焉), likely resulting from phonetic change in connected speech. Such words, evolving from definite reference to indefinite reference under the influence of comparative affixes, hold significant value in terms of typology.