The possessive can be interpreted as agent inside a DP but a noun in noun-incorporation is limited to the theme reading. While each fact has been analyzed in the literature, their contrast is yet to receive due attention. In fact, no coherent account can be given to the contrast within the current theoretical framework whether one regards head-movement as the exclusive means for word-formation or takes words to be formed independently of syntax. The proposed solution consists of two components: a) Integrate the strengths of the syntactic and lexicalist models by appreciating the fact that direct merger of word-internal components is inevitable in every version of syntactic word-formation. b) Realize that the θ-criterion is the only licensing principle when syntax merges two heads to produce a new head. It is further shown that the means for θ-saturation must include θ-composition.

The use of common nouns as adverbials is marked and subject to numerous constraints. The “Noun + Verb” adverbial-modifier construction predominantly follows a 2+2 syllabic pattern as its prosodic norm. The 1+1 pattern is unproductive, the 2+1 pattern is rare, and the 1+2 pattern is disfavored. The use of abstract nouns as adverbials is a modern development emerging since the May Fourth Movement. This Europeanized structure, influenced by translation, is primarily employed in formal written registers. The syllabic patterning of the “Noun + Verb” adverbial-modifier construction is shaped by register constraints. The 2+2 pattern serves as a prosodic means of expressing formal register in Chinese, aligning with the formal nature of this construction. Disyllabic abstract nouns are atypical nouns and represent a marked category; only marked nouns can exhibit marked syntactic functions, whereas monosyllabic nouns are restricted in their ability to function directly as adverbials. The 1+2 pattern in the “Noun + Verb” adverbial-modifier construction is virtually non-existent. The 1+1 pattern, as a bonded disyllabic unit, results from foot-based word formation.

This paper first categorizes the discourse contexts of “shishishang” (事实上) into two major types: contrastive and non-contrastive, of which the contrastive category includes complete contrast and partial contrast and the non-contrastive category encompasses various semantic relationship types such as causality, question-answering, exemplification, and coordination. The paper then demonstrates from a synchronic grammaticalization perspective that “shishishang” has undergone a shift in usage from nominal to adverbial and from a phrasal structure to a discourse marker. During its semantic evolution from expressing contrast to non-contrast, metaphorical cognitive mechanism plays a crucial role. Finally, the article delves into the meta-discourse property and function of “shishishang”. Its meta-discourse property manifests as subjectivity, topicality, and directionality, while its meta-discourse function is characterized by interactivity.

Chinese plurality category can be classified into pivotal group (associative group), characteristic group, enumeration group, and emotional groups. Based on frequency statistics from real corpus, this article finds that “xie”“men” and “huo” in Chengdu dialect are not plural markers but pragmatic markers expressing stance-taking. The word “men” in Chengdu dialect marks pivotal group, used to classify people with similar stances based on a certain pivot, indicating the alliance relationship. Not until recently has “men” obtained the function of characteristic group and enumeration group influenced by the common language. Both “xie” and “huo” mark emotional group, used to classify groups that have a strong emotional impact on the speaker. The highfrequency usage of them is to modify personal nouns as discourse topics, highlighting the closeness feature. Both “xie” and “huo” have a tendency towards singularity, indicating that their pragmatic attributes can extend beyond the constraints of plurality.

Old Sino-Korean generally refers to the Korean readings of Chinese characters prior to the unification of the Korean Peninsula in the 7th century. Drawing on the proper nouns documented in Samkuk Saki and Samkuk Yusa, as well as the records from Idu and Hyangka, this paper investigates the phonetic realizations of the zhang(章) initial group and the yi (以) initial in Old Sino-Korean. By comparing these realizations with Old Chinese phonology at different stages, we propose that the readings of Chinese characters in Old Sino-Korean can be stratified into early and late layers. The early layer is characterized by the /*k-/ reading of the zhang initial and the /*l-/ reading of the yi initial, which align closely with the xiesheng (谐声) system. In contrast, the later layer is marked by the /*t-/ reading of both the zhang and yi initials, reflecting a phonological system similar to that evidenced in the Yinqueshan Han slips. Previous studies have shown that Sino-Korean preserves phonetic features from Old Chinese, Middle Chinese, Old Mandarin and Modern Mandarin. This paper further demonstrates the existence of different layers in Old Sino-Korean, highlighting the complexity and continuity of language contact between Old Korean and Old Chinese. Future research should systematically examine the phonological system of Old Sino-Korean to further elucidates its internal stratification.

There is a sentence “民情不贰（minqing bu er）” in chapter 11 of Ziyi of the Book of Rites. The corresponding characters of Ziyi in Guodian bamboo slips and Shangbo bamboo slips are respectively written as “民青不（binqing bu shi）” and “民情不弋（minqing bu yi）”. The old interpretations are both “民情不忒（minqing bu te）”.Through comprehensively and meticulously sorting out characters and words adaptation relationship related to “饰（shi）” and “饬（chi）” in excavated documents, this article points out that their meaning can be adapted with semantic symbols such as“巾（jin）， 糸（幺）（mi）， 衣（yi）” and “玉（yu）， 金（jin）， 贝（bei）” etc., and its sound can be adapted with phonetic symbols such as “食（shi）， 弋（yi）, 力（li）, 来（lai）” etc., resulting in adapted original characters such as“（shi），貣（shi），糼（shi），（shi）” etc. Based on this, the character “（shi）” in Guodian bamboo slips should be a variant of the character “饰（shi）”, and the character “贰（er）” of the Book of Rites should be a mistake of “貣（shi）” and also a variant of the character “饰（shi）”. “饰（shi）” means “to conceal” or “to disguise”. The previous interpretation of “情（Qing）” as referring to “mind”, “psychology”, etc., is wrong. Rather, it should be interpreted as implying the meaning of “sincerity”, “honesty”, etc., the opposite of the meaning of “饰（shi）”. The sentence “民情不饰（minqing bu shi）” means “the people are honest and not disguised”. Ancient rulers have always been concerned about how to ensure the people refrain from concealing or withholding the truth, which is often found in ancient books. Based on the new understanding resulted from the study of characters and words adaptation relationship related to “飾（shi）” and “飭（chi）”, this article reinterprets some related characters and words in unearthed and passed down literature.